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A landmark exploration of the way out of extreme poverty for the world??s poorest citizens

Among the most eagerly anticipated books of any year, this landmark exploration of prosperity and poverty distills the life work of an economist Time calls one of the world??s 100 most influential people. Sachs??s aim is nothing less than to deliver a big picture of how societies emerge from poverty. To do so he takes readers in his footsteps, explaining his work in Bolivia, Russia, India, China, and Africa, while offering an integrated set of solutions for the interwoven economic, political, environmental, and social problems that challenge the poorest countries. Marrying passionate storytelling with rigorous analysis and a vision as pragmatic as it is fiercely moral, The End of Poverty is a truly indispensable work.

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它必须能识别出最优先发展的基础设施项目并对其融资，必须为所有的人口提供必要的基础设施和社会服务，而不只是为少数人提供。政府必须创造一个有利于私有企业投资的环境。那些投资者必须相信他们能够被允许经营企业并保留未来获得的利润。政府必须约束自己收受贿赂及额外收益的行为。政府必须保持国内和平安全以使公民的人身和财产安全不会受到不适当的威胁。政府应当使司法体系能够界定财产权并使契约得到公正的执行。政府还具有保卫国土、抵御敌人入侵的职责。

在过去的25年中，当贫困的国家向富裕国家请求帮助时，它们被推给世界的货币医生——IMF。IMF的主要药方是要求他们的病人勒紧裤带（紧缩预算），但是他们的病人是如此之穷，以至于连裤带也没有。IMF主导的紧缩措施常常导致骚乱、政变或者公共服务的崩溃。

私人部门应该主要负责对企业的投资，无论是对农业、工业、服务业或者技术资本的投资，还是家庭对健康、教育和营养的投资……公共部门偶尔回位一些私人部门的活动提供直接融资，例如，帮助农民采用新技术，或者帮助贫困的农村家庭建立小企业或者购买关键的农业投入品，或者帮助建立新兴的城市工业。成功经济体的一般教训是，政府应该明智地专注于几种基本投资——学校、医院、公路、基础研究，而把高度专业化的企业活动留给私人部门去做。

为什么不让私人部门去从事这些活动？理由：

1.像发电站、公路以及其他交通设施（机场、海港），其规模报酬递增的，如果让市场从事这些项目建设，那么这些部门会倾向于垄断化，被称为自然垄断行业。如果让私人从事这些资本投资，那么私人垄断的企业将会过度收费，从而导致对这种资本的使用不足，潜在的用户将被排除在市场之外。因此，让公共垄断企业提供网络基础设施，并设定低于私人垄断者索取的有效价格，对整个社会将是有效率的。

2.第二类公共提供的资本品包括那些非竞争性的资本品——即那些一个人的使用不会减少其他人使用的资本品，比如科学发现，有一些不应当收费，但不收费就没有人有动力研究，可以使用公共投资，比如通过像美国的公共健康机构之类的公共融资机构进行投资。

3.有很多社会部门有很强的溢出效应（外部性），就是对你对我都有利的投资，比如我让你住防疟疾蚊子的蚊帐，这样你不会被叮也就不会传染给我。这类情况下，私人市场倾向于对这些商品和服务供应不足。自然资本例子中，私人乱砍乱伐等。。

4.每一个人都应该充分得到的商品和服务——健康医疗、教育、安全的饮用水，基本人权，社会公正的需要。这些商品称为准公共品。

5.政府不仅能通过提供基础设施和社会投资的方式帮助那些最贫困的人，也为私人企业提供生产性投入，那也是贫困家庭开始创业所必需的。补贴和扶持。

政府不应为私人企业提供资本。因为经验表明私人企业家在经营企业方面比...

在更根本的水平上，全球环境危机不是BP、壳牌、埃克松美孚这些石油公司的错误，同样艾滋病的传染也不是辉瑞以及默克这些制药公司的错误。

Finally, the vast differences in power contributed to faulty social theories of these differences that are still with us today. When a society is economically dominant, it is easy for its members to assume that such dominance reflects a deeper superiority—whether religious, racial, genetic, cultural, or institutional—rather than an accident of timing or geography. Thus the inequality of power and economics of the nineteenth century in favor of Europe was accompanied by the spread of new forms of racism and "culturism," which offered pseudoscientific justifications for the vast inequalities that had opened. These theories in turn justified brutal forms of exploitation of the poor through colonial rule, dispossession of the properties and lands of the poor by the rich, and even slavery.

Progress is hard enough to achieve in the world without being perceived as a danger. One of the ironies of the recent success of India and

China is the fear that has engulfed the United States that success in these two countries comes at the expense of the United States. These fears are fundamentally wrong and, even worse, dangerous. They are wrong because the world is not a zero-sum struggle in which one country’s gain is anothers loss, but is rather positive-sum opportunity which improving technologies and skills can raise living standards around the world. Not only are the Indian IT workers providing valuable

goods and services to United States consumers, but they are also sitting at terminals with Dell computers, using Microsoft and SAP software

Cisco routers, and dozens of other empow...

书籍介绍

A landmark exploration of the way out of extreme poverty for the world??s poorest citizens

Among the most eagerly anticipated books of any year, this landmark exploration of prosperity and poverty distills the life work of an economist Time calls one of the world??s 100 most influential people. Sachs??s aim is nothing less than to deliver a big picture of how societies emerge from poverty. To do so he takes readers in his footsteps, explaining his work in Bolivia, Russia, India, China, and Africa, while offering an integrated set of solutions for the interwoven economic, political, environmental, and social problems that challenge the poorest countries. Marrying passionate storytelling with rigorous analysis and a vision as pragmatic as it is fiercely moral, The End of Poverty is a truly indispensable work.